on the history and function of ablaut from balto-slavic to the russian verb

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"on the history and function of ablaut in the verb from balto-slavic to russian," university of chicago working papers in lingu "on the history and function of ablaut in the verb from balto-slavic to russian," university of chicago working papers in linguistics, vol. 5, 1990, pp. 1-15. on the history and function of ablaut from balto-slavic to the russian verb bill j. darden in this paper i will sketch the development of a restricted set of phenomena relating to ablaut in balto-slavic, slavic and russian. i will be talking as much about the function of morphological forms which combine ablaut with affixation as i will about ablaut alone. since ablaut is more a part of pure morphology than most mophophonology, i find this unavoidable. one of the topics i would like to touch on is the origin of the formal derivation of secondary imperfectives. below we see several examples of …

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layer of iteratives in balto-slavic. if one talks about the balto-slavic verb, he is obligated to at least mention the fact that some people do not believe there was such a thing. one of the arguments against the proposal for balto-slavic unity is the impossibility of reconstructing a unified system of the verb in balto-slavic. however, most of the differences between baltic and slavic are cases where one family has something very old which the other lacks--such as the s-aorist in slavic or the s-future in baltic. this is not an argument. the split between baltic and slavic is very old, and both families have had a long time to lose things, and to have independent innovations. in favor of a balto-slavic proto language we can point to a substantial set of shared phonological changes. baltic and slavic also share some morphological innovations in the verb. when we compare baltic …

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ve/iteratives with infinitives in -ī-, which have slavic presents with -ī-, baltic presents in -o- (*ā), and (2) stative/duratives with infinitives in -ē-, which have slavic presents in -ī-, baltic presents in short -i- or -a-. examples of exact cognates are: broditi, broditŭ 'wade' bradyti, brado (dial) buditi 'wake up [tr.]' pa-si-baudyti 'get up [intr.]' goniti 'drive' ganyti měniti 'change' mainyti měsiti 'mix' maišyti prositi 'ask' prašyti bŭděti, bŭditŭ 'be awake' budėti, budi gorěti 'burn' garėti mĭněti 'think' minėti 'remember' smĭrděti 'stink' smirdėti sěděti 'sit' sėdėti viděti 'see' pavydė´ ti 'envy' latv. viẽdêt 'see', vîdêt 'envy; be in sight' kypěti, kypitŭ 'boil' kūpėti, kūpa 'boil, rise' latv. kûpêt, kûpu 'smoke' svĭtěti 'shine' svitėti 'shine' the system which balto-slavic inherited from pie included the following features: 1) primary athematic verbs had alternations between zero-grade and e-grade ablaut. in the present this involved e-grade in the sing., zero grade in the dual …

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lavic grěti 'heat', which must be related to gorěti 'burn'. this is not, however, a case of rule-governed ablaut. gorěti, in fact, is in a stem shape where we would expect zero-grade. whatever its source, gorěti had been reinterpreted as having a basic -o-, which did not take a zero grade. this new i-grade which alternated with e-grade affected several verbal patterns in ways that are normally described as analogical departures from the regular behavior of syllabic sonorants. in the new system, alternations like or bresti, brĭdu, pomereti, pomĭru are morphophonologically regular, even though the forms with ĭ are not phonologically regular developments from *b•d•, pom••. we even find ĭ for the zero grade between obstruents in *pĭzděti, sln pëzdéti, r. bzdet' 'fart silently' (lith bezdėti, latin pēdere, (*pesdere), gk bdéō), or žeči, žĭgu 'burn' (lith degti). in general, however, zero grade was not allowed between obstruents in the later …

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present gin-e/o-. the consonantal endings which would have conditioned the lengthened variant included the infinitive, the s-future, the s-past, and the l-participles, insofar as they existed in each language. where stem variants occurred elsewhere in balto-slavic, they generally opposed the present tense stem to the rest of the paradigm. kuriłowicz suggests that this pattern provided the model for the spread of the new length to the entire nonpresent stem, including the prevocalic stem of the past in lithuanian (e.g. gýnė). one might even argue that the nonpresent stem was the basic variant. it thus became a logical candidate for a stem to be used in derivation. the later shortening of diphthongs in closed syllables changed the system. insofar as length had spread to positions before vowels and was preserved, it became interpretable as a morphologically conditioned lengthening. it then could spread within morphological categories to forms which did not originally …

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"on the history and function of ablaut in the verb from balto-slavic to russian," university of chicago working papers in lingu "on the history and function of ablaut in the verb from balto-slavic to russian," university of chicago working papers in linguistics, vol. 5, 1990, pp. 1-15. on the history and function of ablaut from balto-slavic to the russian verb bill j. darden in this paper i will sketch the development of a restricted set of phenomena relating to ablaut in balto-slavic, slavic and russian. i will be talking as much about the function of morphological forms which combine ablaut with affixation as i will about ablaut alone. since ablaut is more a part of pure morphology than most mophophonology, …

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